
Today, the shareholders are sufficiently paid by the net dividends paid by companies: 77 billion euros in 2007 (8 of value added) and 54 billion in 2008 for the only companies in the CAC 40, which is almost as much as the previous year, despite the crisis.
But also the financial share reserved for investment is a very inadequate. The rate of self-financing of firms is very low in France, in the order of 50. French, including industrial enterprises are particularly dependent on credit. What is becoming a real problem at the time as it becomes scarce. This is also why the CFDT metallurgy is fighting for an industrial policy, with much stronger investments in research and innovation. Investment to priority towards sustainable development which can be a cause of societal mobilization.
With regard to wages, because of massive unemployment, there in twenty years transfer almost 5 points of the net salary to social contributions. This transfer allows an essential income redistribution and satisfaction improved by new needs such as health for example. But employees are especially in bute to a problem of pay equity. Wage gaps already very important deepens, as it is used in a large group or in a small business, according to the place of the company in the production process, as it is a man or a woman, a young or not... It simultaneously to correct these inequalities and find ways to increase the cake to share. This can be done through collective negotiations on professional equality on classifications, on minimum wages, etc., which guarantee better equity (the ball is in the camp of the employers) or a wealth creator industrial investment promotion. This can also be done by a policy that gives priority to employment, so that a larger share of French can participate in the growth and access to its fruit. Gold metallurgy CFDT does not have the impression that it is current policy, notably through the tax shield and the Tepa law, goals that promote particularly those who perceive strong dividends and encourage additional hours for those who already work.

But the most fundamental problem is that the idea of a share of the profits at the level of the enterprise is no longer really relevant. The problem that arises in a sharing of wealth in the level of the enterprise, is primarily that of the Organization of the creation of value in the industrial model. Today, wealth creation has tended to focus on the chart of accounts in major donors of orders. Most away donor of orders, less the employee and the employer subcontractor receive the share of wealth which should be theirs in the creation of value on the final production. Indeed, is the giver of orders which sets the price and he is the one which best preserves its profit margin. Subcontractors must follow. If we simply say that should share the wealth in the business, it misses this reality where wealth is created on a branch and is exposed to more inequality.
There is regulation tools taking meaningless to counter this inequality: the minimum wage and minimum wages in industry. But they are not sufficient. There were attempts to reform, but they are poorly developed and the idea of a project engagement. The Act on the development of the participation of 30 December 2006 proposes, for example, on the basis of a project shared between a donor of orders and subcontractors, are also shared a global participation in the profits of this particular project. It opens the field to global agreements that apply to several companies working in common. In this vein, there are today orders donors which have concluded agreements of Group (such as Thales) or award (such as Renault) transnational agreements. These agreements allow in the first case the employees of subsidiaries, in the second to the employees of implanted foreign institutions to receive the share of the profit that they helped to generate. Otherwise, these employees do not understand why they are excluded. These agreements regulate the way social dumping.
It might give a minimum European framework for negotiations of this type on the wage policy at the level of what is called the extended enterprise (donor levels and subcontractors). Social dialogue, including international, could be a powerful factor of socio-economic responses to the crisis.